Hail Holy Crookes!

SHEFFIELD PATROL GROUP proudly presents HAIL HOLY CROOKES!

A4 PDF e-book. 288 pages. 168 photographs. £4.

To order, request a review copy, or for further information, contact sheffpatgrp@gmail.com

“The last word on the ‘sixth coolest neighbourhood in the UK’ (Time Out, October 2026).” – Ken Crookes of Crookes in Crookes.

Hail Holy Crookes!

Land of buildings dissolved, pavements leading to the heart of the sun, subtle diagonals, windows opened against the heat of the sun, cosmic vans, lavender tendrils, passable verges, sky praising shrubbery, marble toned brick, sturdy limestone, blue cars, silver cars, sky and moon, sun dons, red painted restaurants, bus stops, prospect of uncertain glory in the sky, tumbling apartments, foreshortening, images of tenderness as evening falls, neat walls, psychedelic skies toward Stannington, yellow approaches, rewinds, flowery mountains, inflow and outflow, lamppost runes, green sheds, principled objections, hardboard canvasses, Camden group skies, curved roads, red cars, a kind of clean neatness, good pointing, sky lines, curved impossibilities, blurred infinities and dreams!

AN INTRODUCTION FOR THE BENEFIT OF PEOPLE WHO DO NOT HAVE THE GOOD FORTUNE TO LIVE IN THE MAGICAL SUBURB OF CROOKES IN THE BEAUTIFUL CITY OF SHEFFIELD

According to the 2021 census, Sheffield is the 5th most populous city in England. The population in 2021 was 500,535. The population of Chapeltown and High Green, which would commonly be thought of as part of Sheffield, was 22,180.

As with all major cities in England, there are massive disparities in levels of income, wealth and housing conditions in Sheffield, although these might be somewhat less prevalent because of the way the city developed over time. Sheffield is often called ‘the largest village in England’ on account of it consisting of distinct areas that have gradually come together. It was subjected to major bombing in the Second World War because of the steelworks, and this assault had a major impact on the built environment.

Broadly speaking, the west of the city is pleasant and prosperous, and the east of the city is rougher and more deprived. The steelworks were situated in the east, and people used to live near their workplaces. The capitalist vampires who acquired vast wealth through the exploitation of the people, and the middle-class professionals who supported them, assumed residence in mansions in the west, removed from the filth and grime by virtue of the prevailing winds. The poet John Betjeman described Broomhill, the area adjoining Crookes, as ‘the prettiest suburb in England’, and although things have changed since he said this, it’s still possible to see what he meant.

Like everywhere else in the UK, Sheffield has been shaped by a range of social, economic, cultural, and political forces that have affected the identity of its citizens, including:

  1. Notions of place are wrapped up in ancient history, which has been translated into myth.
  2. Culture is inextricably linked to history and politics. Culture, history, and politics are filtered and transformed by myth.
  3. English culture is increasingly homogenised. Substantial differences between places are increasingly rare. Homogenisation is represented as progress.
  4. The North/South divide is giving way to an urban/rural divide but the differences between urban and rural are not as prominent as they once were.
  5. Many post-industrial cities and towns are associated with industrial processes that are no longer taking place.
  6. Place-linked subcultures are no longer prevalent and can no longer meaningfully distinguish one place from another.
  7. Local festivals and other forms of folk expression are far less common than they used to be. Where they persist, they are marketed as tourist attractions.
  8. City rivalries are based on arbitrary and outmoded proclamations of difference that increasingly no longer exist.
  9. The remnants of industrial buildings are used as signifiers of place, although they are merely revenants, and represent little more than empty nostalgia.
  10. Industry-related mass leisure events sometimes persist, albeit divorced from the conditions that brought them into existence.
  11. Hatred of the poor is widespread, but it is probably more noticeable in well-to-do areas than elsewhere.
  12. Gentrification is widespread but more immediately apparent in some places compared to others.
  13. Sites of higher education influence the towns and cities in which they are situated.
  14. The main effect of the growth in the number of university students has been to increase the wealth of landlords and to transform seats of learning into commercial enterprises.
  15. Massive disparities in wealth, levels of income, and housing conditions not only persist but are increasing.
  16. ‘Culture’ has become a marketing tool. The concept of cultural industries is promoted particularly strongly in post-industrial cities, which were formerly renowned for manufacturing physical products.
  17. The election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979 was an unmitigated disaster for working-class people in the UK. Tony Blair supported rather than challenged her worldview. The abandonment of the working-class resulted in a state of chaos that has produced disturbing reactionary political developments in places that were formerly characterised by collective action.
  18. Manchester is the model of a large post-industrial city, sustained by myth-based, nostalgia-informed empty civic pride and self-regard bordering on arrogance. Where Manchester leads, other cities attempt to follow, usually without success.
  19. London is the model of a capitalist realist city approaching its monstrous apex. After reaching this point, its fall will become inevitable. When London falls, the world will follow.
  20. People increasingly locate themselves in cyberspace rather than physical space. It is no longer necessary to go somewhere in order to be somewhere. Real and existing places are therefore prone to becoming nowhere.

Despite these drivers towards homogenisation, Sheffield retains the vestiges of a claim to uniqueness that is not entirely absurd.

The sixth coolest neighbourhood in the UK

On 8 October 2026, Crookes was ranked the sixth “coolest neighbourhood in the UK” by Time Out, reflecting what the magazine referred to as its growing popularity and transformation from a mainly student area into a lively, self-contained community. Time Out described the suburb as understated but impressive, praising its strong food-and-drink scene and relaxed residential character.

True false origins

Crookes is named after an individual named Krekja, who is buried in a mound at the heights of Clough Fields. There is a character called Krekja in the Icelandic saga ‘Bard the Snowfell God’, and ‘krekja’ means magician. The Mound ov Krekja is joined by moorland paths to Bakewell, where the Norse Tomb of Helga can be found in the porch of All Saints Church, which occupies the highest point in the centre of the town, affording views of ancient woodlands and paths that lead out to Nine Ladies stone circle on Stanton Moor, and further on towards Arbor Low, sometimes referred to as the Stonehenge of the north.

Say No to NOS

Some people claim that there is a supernatural power centre in Crookes, which extends from the Old Grindstone to Wesley Hall Methodist Church on one side, and to the line between the TOPY-related sign on Pickmere Road and the former Church of Our Lady of the Miraculous Medal near the top of School Road on the other. The Grindstone to Wesley Hall line passes through St. Thomas Church Crookes and the Grindstone relates to St. Thomas’s because the black-clad squares of the Nine O’Clock Service, the evangelical cum new age cult that flourished and collapsed under the leadership of the Rave Vicar Chris Brain and his legion of adoring postmodern nuns and crypto-fascist underling dictators used to hit the Grindstone to demonstrate their superiority to the locals when their God-infused psychedelic shindigs at the church had finished on Sunday evenings.

NOS used to go around saying ‘The posse is the priest,’ although it was quite clear that the posse wasn’t the priest, and that Rave Vicar Brain was, and that they were just saying this because they were feeble-minded idiots drunk on their capacity for banal alliteration, and they wanted to reinforce their collective identity as a means of elevating themselves above the common herd, by virtue of their godliness, a form of divine consciousness which seemed to consist of thinking that some curly haired monstrosity was fab and groovy, an avatar in the most highfalutin sense of the term, and pretending to love each other, and hating everyone else, on the grounds of their deficiency (the deficiency of the people they hated, the everyone else, not the self-selected elite, themselves, who they pretended to love).

TOPY or not-TOPY

Thee Temple Ov Psychick Youth was an international movement that promoted self-realisation by focusing on one’s true desires. There were three TOPY houses on Western Road in Crookes in the early to late 1980s. A statue of a black eagle marked one of the houses. A dog that looked like a jackal guarded the threshold of another. The third house stood crumbling at the end of a terrace. Various inhabitants of these three houses came together as the esoteric group Cross of Light, which engaged in the production of pamphlets and live musical performance throughout the first two decades of the 21st century.

Students

Sheffield has been known as a student city for some time. In 2022-23, 30,307 students were studying at the University of Sheffield and 30,960 at Sheffield Hallam University.

Students tend to live in particular areas rather than being dispersed throughout the city. Crookes houses a large number of University of Sheffield students, as it is situated about a mile from the main university buildings. This has resulted in house prices in the area being considerably higher than those in comparable suburbs, as landlords have competed to buy homes that can be turned into student houses in multiple occupation. It also means that the feel of the place differs considerably between term time and vacation time. Sheffield is known for the number of graduates who remain in the city after leaving university, and the parliamentary constituency in which Crookes is situated, Sheffield Hallam, is known for having the highest proportion of university graduates anywhere in the country.

Blame the landlords

One of the most striking features of the pavements of Crookes is the profusion of empty gas canisters scattered around the area. It is not advisable to leave empty gas canisters on the pavement by the side of the road. It seems even more inadvisable to leave them out in the heat of the day when that heat has persisted for several days at least. Maybe that’s an unwarranted assumption, a case of something that sounds right but isn’t. I don’t really know.

Obviously, the fact that something is not advisable makes no real difference to the people who commit, or perform, the inadvisable act. They act as if the advice does not apply to them, which highlights the depressing reality that the people who should act on advice do not, whereas the people who are happy to act on advice have no need to, because they won’t act inadvisably anyway. Maybe there’s some kind of middle ground, consisting of people who don’t know what to do without instruction from external authorities, and people who are unsure how to choose between diametrically opposed possible courses of action and are open to persuasion on the grounds of advice, having assessed competing claims to right action, should such a course be necessary. But surely everyone capable of the rudiments of thought, or reason, knows that empty gas cylinders should not be abandoned on the public highway?

We are clearly dealing with people who know that they should not have abandoned the cylinders, in the interests of public safety, but who are compelled to perform the act of abandonment for other reasons, or with other motives, to do with selfishness, or a commitment to foolhardy japes.

Who might these jackanapes be? Anyone who lives in the area would conclude that they are probably students. Students are held responsible for most of the antisocial behaviour in Crookes, be it playing loud music late at night, moronic shouting in the streets, skateboarding down the middle of the road, leaving bottles full of piss on small stone walls, or adorning the gate of the catholic church with traffic cones, in imitation of the devil’s horns. They also discard unwanted appliances on the street during their many house moves, a key feature of the festivals that they refer to as ‘moving days’, to save themselves the effort and expense of visiting the tip or arranging for the council to pick up their junk.

I note in passing that most of the people who condemn these students for bringing down the tone of the neighbourhood were students themselves, at the very same university a mile down the road, ten or fifteen years ago.

I blame the landlords.

The Elders

I am beginning to think that there is probably no one in the neighbourhood with greater knowledge of Crookes than me. It’s likely that there are long-term older residents who are more familiar with the main thoroughfares and possess a greater awareness of the changes that have taken place in the township over the years, but I think it unlikely that these invented elders have been as diligent as I have in exploring the nooks, crannies, and barely visible pathways that add weight and substance to the suburb in which we abide. I haven’t seen any of them on my recent travels, anyway.

Margins of Memory: Psychogeography, Hauntology and Cultural Archaeology in Sheffield Patrol Group

Author: Pádraig Mac an Mhaoir
Affiliation: Independent Researcher
Keywords: Psychogeography, Hauntology, Cultural Memory, Urban Studies, Post-Industrial Britain, Cultural Archaeology, Photography, Sound Art, Sheffield


Abstract

This article examines Sheffield Patrol Group as an interdisciplinary cultural project operating at the intersection of psychogeography, hauntology, sound art, photography, and urban cultural studies. Through an analysis of the project’s writings, visual documentation, and experimental audio practices, the article argues that Sheffield Patrol Group constitutes a form of contemporary cultural archaeology. Its work systematically investigates overlooked spaces, residual infrastructures, forgotten histories, and neglected material culture within the post-industrial landscape. By privileging fragments, traces, and peripheral environments, the project challenges dominant frameworks of heritage, memory, and cultural value. The article situates Sheffield Patrol Group within broader traditions of psychogeographic exploration and hauntological aesthetics, suggesting that its significance lies in its ability to reveal submerged cultural narratives embedded within everyday urban environments.


1. Introduction

In recent decades, increasing scholarly attention has been paid to the relationship between memory, place, and urban transformation. Across cultural studies, geography, sociology, and media theory, researchers have examined how post-industrial landscapes function simultaneously as physical environments and repositories of historical consciousness. Within this intellectual context, Sheffield Patrol Group offers a particularly revealing example of contemporary artistic engagement with the cultural residues of urban modernity.

The project is characterised by an ongoing exploration of neglected and marginal spaces. Through photography, walking practices, field recording, archival investigation, commentary, and experimental sound composition, Sheffield Patrol Group documents the overlooked dimensions of everyday life. Rather than privileging officially designated heritage sites or celebrated architectural landmarks, its attention is directed towards abandoned infrastructure, municipal remnants, obsolete technologies, discarded objects, and spaces excluded from dominant cultural narratives.

This article argues that Sheffield Patrol Group should be understood not merely as an artistic endeavour but as an epistemological practice. The project produces knowledge through observation, movement, documentation, and interpretation. In doing so, it constructs alternative accounts of urban experience that challenge official representations of place, history, and identity.


2. Theoretical Framework

2.1 Psychogeography and Urban Experience

The concept of psychogeography emerged from the work of the Situationist International in the mid-twentieth century. Initially developed by Guy Debord, psychogeography sought to investigate the emotional and behavioural effects exerted by urban environments upon those who inhabit them.

Subsequent British practitioners expanded psychogeography beyond its original revolutionary context, transforming it into a methodology concerned with walking, observation, memory, and the recovery of overlooked urban histories. Within this tradition, the city is not simply a geographical space but a complex cultural text composed of multiple temporal layers.

Sheffield Patrol Group operates squarely within this lineage. However, its approach differs from many contemporary psychogeographic projects through its sustained attention to ordinary environments. The project demonstrates little interest in spectacular urbanism or monumental architecture. Instead, it focuses upon peripheral territories: service roads, industrial remnants, suburban wastelands, municipal facilities, derelict structures, and forgotten public spaces.

Such environments are approached as archives rather than scenery. Their significance derives not from aesthetic grandeur but from their ability to preserve traces of social and historical processes.

2.2 Hauntology and Cultural Memory

A second theoretical framework informing this analysis is hauntology. Originating in the work of Jacques Derrida and subsequently developed within cultural theory, hauntology concerns the persistence of unresolved histories within contemporary experience.

Hauntological thought rejects linear conceptions of historical development. Instead, it proposes that the present remains populated by absences: lost futures, abandoned possibilities, forgotten aspirations, and superseded social imaginaries.

This perspective is especially relevant to post-industrial Britain, where deindustrialisation has left visible and invisible traces within urban environments. Sheffield, with its long industrial history and subsequent transformation, provides a particularly fertile setting for hauntological investigation.

Throughout the Sheffield Patrol Group project, buildings, objects, sounds, and landscapes frequently appear as carriers of temporal ambiguity. They function simultaneously as present realities and historical residues. Consequently, the project is less concerned with nostalgia than with the continuing influence of unresolved pasts.


3. Methodology: Walking as Knowledge Production

One of the defining features of Sheffield Patrol Group is its methodological reliance upon exploratory movement through space. Walking operates not merely as transportation but as a mode of inquiry.

This methodological orientation aligns with contemporary scholarship on mobile research practices, which recognises movement itself as a means of generating knowledge. The walker’s perspective facilitates encounters with details that remain invisible within conventional institutional frameworks. Unexpected observations, spatial discontinuities, and material remnants become sources of insight.

Importantly, Sheffield Patrol Group privileges unspectacular encounters. A damaged sign, an abandoned building, a fragment of street furniture, or a neglected municipal structure may receive the same scrutiny traditionally reserved for celebrated cultural artefacts.

The project therefore challenges prevailing assumptions regarding what constitutes an appropriate object of cultural investigation. By taking the ordinary seriously, it expands the field of what may be considered culturally meaningful.


4. Post-Industrial Landscapes as Archives

4.1 The Materiality of Decline

Much of the project’s work centres upon environments shaped by industrial decline and urban redevelopment. However, its treatment of such spaces differs significantly from conventional narratives of either progress or loss.

Rather than presenting dereliction solely as evidence of economic failure, Sheffield Patrol Group approaches post-industrial landscapes as material archives. Buildings and infrastructures are read as historical documents whose surfaces bear inscriptions of social transformation.

This approach resembles archaeological reasoning. Physical environments are interpreted as stratified cultural texts, preserving traces of multiple historical periods simultaneously.

The project’s recurring attention to neglected structures suggests that disappearance itself constitutes a valuable subject of study. The moment before demolition, closure, redevelopment, or abandonment becomes particularly significant because it reveals tensions between memory and change.

4.2 Alternative Heritage

Traditional heritage practices often privilege monumental sites, nationally significant architecture, and officially recognised historical narratives. Sheffield Patrol Group proposes an alternative heritage framework.

Within this framework, importance is not derived from institutional designation but from cultural resonance. Minor sites may possess substantial historical significance even when excluded from official commemorative systems.

The project’s documentation of everyday environments thus functions as a form of counter-archiving. It preserves and interprets aspects of urban life that might otherwise disappear without record.


5. Fragmentation and the Logic of Collage

A notable feature of Sheffield Patrol Group’s aesthetic practice is its embrace of fragmentation. Across photography, writing, and sound composition, the project consistently privileges discontinuous forms.

Rather than constructing comprehensive explanatory narratives, it assembles fragments: observations, memories, quotations, photographs, historical traces, and sonic remnants. Meaning emerges through relationships between these elements rather than from authorial closure.

From a theoretical standpoint, collage functions here as more than an artistic technique. It becomes a mode of knowledge production appropriate to contemporary cultural conditions.

The fragmented structure of the work reflects a broader understanding of urban experience itself. Cities are not encountered as coherent wholes but as accumulations of partial perspectives, interrupted histories, and overlapping temporalities.

Consequently, the project resists the temptation to impose unity where none exists. Ambiguity remains an essential component of interpretation.


6. Sound, Spectrality, and Hauntological Media

The project’s experimental audio work provides one of its clearest articulations of hauntological aesthetics.

By incorporating field recordings, degraded media textures, found sounds, broadcast fragments, and spoken-word elements, Sheffield Patrol Group produces auditory environments characterised by temporal instability. Voices emerge and recede. Historical traces become audible. Familiar sounds appear estranged.

Such techniques generate what may be described as spectral listening experiences. The listener is placed in contact with absences as much as presences.

Importantly, these works do not simply reproduce the past. Rather, they explore the ways in which past cultural forms continue to inhabit the present. The resulting compositions evoke unresolved histories and unrealised futures while avoiding simplistic nostalgic reconstruction.

In this sense, the project’s sound practice functions as an acoustic analogue to its photographic documentation of urban ruins. Both seek traces. Both investigate persistence. Both foreground the afterlives of cultural forms.


7. Anonymity, Anti-Commercialism, and Cultural Resistance

Contemporary cultural production is increasingly shaped by personal branding, visibility metrics, and digital self-promotion. Against this backdrop, Sheffield Patrol Group’s commitment to anonymity is especially significant.

The project deliberately shifts attention away from the artist as personality and towards the work as investigation. Places, objects, histories, and atmospheres assume priority over individual biography.

This strategy can be understood as a form of cultural resistance. By refusing the logic of artistic celebrity, the project challenges the commodification of creative identity that characterises much contemporary cultural production.

Furthermore, anonymity reinforces the collective dimensions of memory. Urban history is presented not as personal property but as shared cultural inheritance. The observer functions as a mediator rather than a central protagonist.


8. Photography as Cultural Archaeology

Photography occupies a central role within the Sheffield Patrol Group project. Yet these images differ substantially from conventional documentary practices.

Rather than serving merely descriptive functions, photographs operate as artefacts of inquiry. Their subjects frequently consist of traces, residues, fragments, and transitional spaces. The resulting images invite interpretive engagement rather than passive observation.

This approach closely resembles archaeological investigation. Just as archaeologists infer broader social realities from material remains, Sheffield Patrol Group uses visual fragments to explore wider questions concerning memory, identity, and urban transformation.

The photograph therefore becomes an instrument of excavation. It reveals hidden cultural layers embedded within seemingly mundane environments.


9. Conclusion

Sheffield Patrol Group represents a sophisticated and intellectually significant contribution to contemporary psychogeographic and hauntological practice. Through walking, photographic documentation, sound experimentation, archival exploration, and critical reflection, the project develops a sustained investigation into the cultural residues of the post-industrial city.

Its importance lies not merely in its documentation of overlooked places but in its broader methodological and theoretical implications. By treating ordinary environments as archives, fragments as evidence, and ruins as cultural texts, the project challenges dominant assumptions regarding heritage, memory, and historical significance.

Ultimately, Sheffield Patrol Group demonstrates that contemporary urban landscapes remain densely populated by traces of previous lives, unrealised futures, and forgotten histories. Its work reveals the city as a site of cultural stratification where memory persists within material forms and where the overlooked continues to shape collective experience. In doing so, it advances a model of cultural archaeology uniquely suited to the complexities of the twenty-first-century post-industrial condition.


References

Benjamin, W. (1968). Illuminations. New York: Schocken Books.

Certeau, M. de (1984). The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Debord, G. (1955). Introduction to a Critique of Urban Geography. Paris: Les Lèvres Nues.

Derrida, J. (1994). Specters of Marx. London: Routledge.

Fisher, M. (2014). Ghosts of My Life: Writings on Depression, Hauntology and Lost Futures. Winchester: Zero Books.

Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space. Oxford: Blackwell.

Sinclair, I. (1997). Lights Out for the Territory. London: Granta.

Smithson, R. (1996). Robert Smithson: The Collected Writings. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Selected Trash from the Ruins of Society

Selected Trash from the Ruins of Society is the result of a ten-year quest: a cumulative photographic, literary and psychogeographical critique of twenty-first-century British society, developed most intensively through Sheffield and its surrounding districts but extending at points to London, Stratford, Southampton and elsewhere. Across its volumes, the project gathers what official culture overlooks, manages, demolishes, prettifies or declares valueless: shuttered shops, public lavatories, pubs, station platforms, domestic objects, fences, allotments, cemeteries, signs, bodily traces, fragments of advertising, scraps of counterculture, religious literature, damaged buildings and transient arrangements of light. The title’s “trash” is thus both material and conceptual, while its “ruins” include not only post-industrial brickwork but eroded public provision, working-class memory, political confidence, local commerce, countercultural possibility, ecological continuity and personal certainty. Selection is an argumentative act of attention: a refusal of the hierarchies by which one object becomes heritage, another an investment opportunity and a third mere rubbish.

The project presents itself as an archive of photographs and accompanying texts, yet its governing concern is the unstable act of looking. An image may begin in chance, habit, boredom, compulsion, bodily limitation or the sudden recognition that something familiar has become strange. The camera fixes a surface, but the prose immediately loosens it. Description becomes association; association becomes social criticism, local history, memoir, fantasy, occult speculation or comic retraction. A reflection becomes a portal, a shadow a face, a suburban tree a world tree, a traffic island a celestial compass, a gap between houses a charged threshold. The narrator knows that such meanings are made rather than simply found, but pursues them seriously enough to test how perception turns into interpretation and how interpretation, confidently framed, can masquerade as fact. Photographs are therefore evidence, prompts and traps at once: they prove that a surface existed, while failing to preserve the weather, atmosphere, bodily effort, remembered music or private history that made it significant.

This method produces a deliberately discontinuous form. Place names, remembered conversations, invented art-historical notices, documentary descriptions, corporate statements, found slogans, occult archives, overheard speech, literary quotations and political digressions collide without being forced into conventional narrative. The apparent miscellany is not an absence of structure but the structure itself. Thought moves as walking moves: forward, sideways and back on itself, diverted by a sign, a wall, an irritation, a joke or a recovered memory. Recurring motifs – windows, doors, paths, circles, walls, light, fog, trees, birds, transmitters, benches, cemeteries and blocked entrances – operate as landmarks. Coherence arises through echo and recurrence rather than linear exposition, allowing the profound and ridiculous, sacred and profane, documentary and invented to remain productively entangled.

The voice that sustains this movement is observant, abrasive, learned, self-mocking and knowingly unreliable. It moves between exact description and extravagant conjecture, philosophical speculation and pub anecdote, political denunciation and comic bathos. Long sentences pursue thought in real time; abrupt fragments puncture claims with bodily fact or profanity. The narrator distrusts cultural prestige, civic publicity, respectable taste and institutional authority, yet subjects his own motives, memories and grandiosity to the same pressure. Repeated admissions – “I don’t know”, “I can’t remember”, “maybe”, “or something” – function not as evasions but as an ethic of fallibility. Factual uncertainty coexists with ethical conviction: a street name may be forgotten, but exploitation, exclusion, mystification and civic stupidity remain open to judgement. Humour attacks pretension, prevents reverence from settling around the narrator’s own practices and maintains agency against illness, mortality and decline.

Across all the volumes, Sheffield is encountered at street level rather than from the viewpoint of tourism or regeneration publicity. Alleyways, back roads, former toilets, industrial walls, charity shops, pubs, social clubs, student developments and neglected civic spaces reveal the gap between the city as marketed and the city as lived. Neoliberalism appears not as an abstract doctrine but as a texture laid over ordinary life: public facilities become restaurants or speculative developments; artisan housing becomes a lifestyle asset; university expansion overwrites working-class districts; charities compete for visibility; counterculture is absorbed into markets of style; local history is cleaned, branded or demolished. Regeneration often amounts to a redistribution of visibility and value, polishing some structures while abandoning others or preserving hardship as picturesque evidence. The work resists nostalgia, however, recognising that the past also contained hierarchy, vanity and exploitation. Its question is not how to restore an untouched community, but who controls access, naming, memory and the language through which loss is recast as improvement.

Class is fundamental to this struggle over value. Luxury labels, glossy listings, apartment towers, branded trainers and pseudo-mansions recur as symptoms of a culture in which price attempts to replace judgement and identity becomes a purchasable surface. Consumer goods promise distinction; redevelopment promises prosperity; religious tracts promise salvation. Each asks the subject to experience ordinary streets, clothing and selfhood as insufficient. Against this, the collection grants sustained attention to what is too minor, awkward or unruly for official accounts. Yet the gaze is not innocent. The camera selects, intrudes and appropriates; passers-by and neighbourhoods can be recruited into arguments they did not choose. Rather than claiming moral purity, the writing exposes the photographer’s appetite, opportunism, prejudice and capacity for projection, leaving the reader to judge where observation becomes stereotype, sympathy becomes possession or mockery creates another form of contempt.

Spirituality, occultism and countercultural experiment form a parallel field of inquiry. Buddhism, evangelical Christianity, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Thee Temple Ov Psychick Youth, invented magical orders and private ritual sites appear as competing technologies of meaning. The collection remains responsive to illumination, symbolic correspondence and numinous experience while distrusting doctrine, hierarchy, manipulation and authorised interpreters. An accidental cross, a hollow tree, a ritual offering or a charged landscape may be revelation, chance arrangement, imaginative projection or all three. The text refuses a final choice. Private naming and local myth – the Mound ov Krekja, the Crookes Ash, the Hollow Tree, ghost fields, gateways and imagined temples – restore density to places flattened by administrative language, while parodying the mechanisms by which national myths, religious systems and property claims become accepted as truth. Experience remains alive when enacted; it becomes suspect when institutionalised into bureaucracy, status or salesmanship.

Walking gives the later volumes their clearest narrative architecture and makes the body impossible to ignore. Sheffield’s hills are measured through breath, fatigue, gradients, pauses and recovery. Serious illness, cancer treatment, chronic lung problems and the narrowed range imposed by the pandemic transform ordinary mobility into an achievement and enforced slowness into a condition of noticing. Place becomes an external memory system in which former selves, vanished buildings, old publications, music, hospital corridors, pubs and political projects survive as partial traces. Memory behaves less like an archive than a weather system, obscuring and illuminating by turns; forgetting is as important as recollection, and the refusal to verify every date or name protects speculative freedom from the bureaucratic deadness of fact gathering. Domestic objects – the old knife, missing vase, useless repair part or temporary radiator – extend this counter-archive indoors, addressing issues of family history and failed utility.

Within this shared method, the volumes differ in emphasis. The earliest volume ranges most widely and establishes the project’s central unstable documentary form: Sheffield is joined by London, Southampton and other locations, while satire, spiritual autobiography, art-world parody and social wreckage remain in vigorous collision. Volume 2 sharpens the analysis of the image as delayed recognition and develops thresholds, windows, circles, blocked paths and managed appearances as figures for ownership, surveillance and social sorting; it also foregrounds the ethics of photographing others. Volume 3 concentrates on neoliberal commodification, post-industrial travel and the anti-guidebook impulse, binding Sheffield, Stratford and routes through London to illness, the frustrations attendant on waiting and the seductions of dereliction.

Volume 4 narrows geographically to Crookes, the Bole Hills, Crookes Cemetery and Clough Fields, openly embracing psychogeography while mocking its institutional versions. Pandemic confinement, bodily limitation, walls, gates, allotments and contested names make the familiar neighbourhood a map of attention and consciousness. Volume 5 deepens this local and bodily method: repeated circuits become acts of recovery and informal research, while fading public-health signs, erased facilities and post-punk or occult memories register the politics of collective amnesia. The ordinary world is increasingly re-enchanted through faces in surfaces, houses becoming lighthouses and trees becoming sites of apparition, without surrendering scepticism.

Volume 6 gives the wandering method its most explicit spatial scheme in “Old Times”, “Homeland”, “Nearland”, “Borderland” and “Farland”. Its distinctive contribution is the integration of convalescence, cancer treatment and domestic material culture with the political geography of streets, housing, religion and public services. The nearby world becomes both a survival practice and a counter-archive. Volume 7 broadens that practice into an ecological and philosophical defence of “attentive wandering”: trees, birds, insects, rough woodland, filters, sacred geometry, mental-health histories and user-led organisations extend the politics of attention beyond buildings, while meditations on mortality are expressed through contemplations of memorial benches, cemeteries and threatened forms of communal care.

Volumes 8 and 9 are darker and more retrospective. Their critique of civic “progress”, council fantasy, university expansion and student-development capitalism is especially sustained, and its cemeteries, cancer hospital and narratives of disability activism place mortality, gratitude and social commitment beside misanthropy and disillusionment. Here personalised myth-making – ritual hillocks, offerings, magical orders and remembered pilgrimages – appears as a temporary but necessary resistance to entropy. Across the later work more generally, the geographical field remains intensely local, yet the philosophical reach expands: the city becomes a set of overlapping fields of perception, the body a measure of space and time, and the act of walking a form of resistance to the economic demand that every activity justify itself through measurable outcomes.

Despite these shifts, the volumes share a persistent ethical and aesthetic tension. They rescue neglected surfaces from invisibility while questioning who may enjoy decline aesthetically and who must endure it materially. They seek revelation yet distrust authoritative explanation; condemn consumerism while acknowledging the narrator’s own complicity; value local knowledge while leaving facts unresolved; and use hostility, profanity and ridicule alongside tenderness for animals, trees, vulnerable people, practical expertise and small communal objects. Their politics arise from looking: to attend to a place is to notice who controls it, who profits from its transformation, whose language dominates its description and what lives or histories are treated as expendable.

Taken together, the nine volumes constitute neither a conventional local history nor a stable catalogue of photographs, but a long record of encounters between images and a restless intelligence. They ask what is worth noticing; who decides what counts as art, history, waste or evidence; how private memory attaches itself to public space; whether attention can become a moral practice; and how mockery might expose false value without reproducing contempt. No final system resolves these questions. Instead, the project looks, invents, retracts, remembers, walks and looks again. Its achievement lies in showing that the near at hand is never exhausted: ruins remain inhabited, trash remains eloquent, and the overlooked world continues to disturb the polished stories told about it.

Sheffield Patrol Group: Psychogeography, Hauntology, and the Art of the Sonic Collage

To listen to SHEFFIELD PATROL GROUP is to accept a different contract: not “here is a song,” but “here is a site.” The reward is a vivid sense of discovery, an encounter with sound that preserves fragments of the past, animates the textures of the city, and turns ambiguity into a creative force.

There are plenty of ways to make “experimental” music. You can strip everything back to pure tone and process. You can push volume and abrasion until the body gives up trying to decode it. Or you can do what SHEFFIELD PATROL GROUP (SPG) do: treat sound less as a line and more as a location.

Across projects including The Wheel and The Axle (Volumes 1–3), Shining Blade, and Planetary Mess, SPG fold spoken word, experimental electronica, and found audio into immersive, layered works that feel half-broadcast and half-discovery, like stumbling on a cassette whose messages were never meant for you, yet somehow address you directly. The pleasure isn’t just in the sounds themselves, but in the way they arrange a world around you: a world of fragments, residues, overheard phrases, and uncanny returns.

What makes SPG especially compelling is that the collage isn’t decorative. It’s a method. A stance. A way of moving through contemporary life, through the city, through memory, through the noise of institutions and media, and refusing to let it resolve into a single tidy story.

A sound palette built from place and debris

Psychogeography, the exploration of how environments shape feeling and behaviour, sits at the centre of SPG’s practice, and you can hear it in the way their tracks carry a sense of location. Field recordings and found sounds don’t function as ornament; they act as evidence. Street noise, room tone, degraded tape, incidental fragments: they’re woven into the music until the boundary between “composition” and “document” blurs.

That blurring matters. In an age where digital music can feel weightless and context-free, SPG’s use of field and found recordings pins the work to the world. It insists on texture, on air, distance, obstruction, and the stubborn presence of things that don’t behave like clean studio signals. These are pieces where the environment isn’t background; it’s an active ingredient, shaping what you can hear and what you can’t.

It also gives the sound an “archive” quality. Not in a museum sense, more like the messy archive of living: receipts in coat pockets, late-night radio, voices muffled by walls, the hum of a room that has heard too much.

Hauntology and the feeling of a forgotten era

There is something hauntological about SPG’s work: a pull toward the spectral remnants of time, where cultural debris returns as texture and implication. Their soundscapes often present haunting, fragmented sonics reminiscent of lost memories and half-recalled broadcasts. The effect is otherworldly without being escapist, more like hearing the present argue with its own past in real time.

Hauntology can be an easy aesthetic to parody – soft-focus nostalgia, a crackle of tape, a wink at “retro” moods. SPG’s version feels less like style and more like pressure. The past isn’t a costume. It’s a presence that keeps interrupting the signal, a reminder that history doesn’t politely stay behind you.

This is one reason the work can feel strangely intimate. The sound isn’t “hi-fi immersive” in the glossy sense; it’s immersive in the way memory is immersive; partial, insistent, full of gaps your mind tries to fill.

Cryptic monologues: narrative as interference

Spoken word is one of SPG’s defining devices. Cryptic monologues and enigmatic phrases arrive like intercepted transmissions, adding an air of mystery while refusing to resolve into a single, authoritative meaning. Rather than “telling a story” in a conventional sense, the voice parts open trapdoors: they suggest hidden narratives, pseudo-emotional terrains, and metaphysical conceits that listeners have to assemble for themselves.

Crucially, the words often function as interference as much as they function as guidance. They don’t neatly caption the music; they complicate it. They add a second channel of meaning, sometimes parallel, sometimes contradictory, sometimes almost deliberately unhelpful in the best way.

The result is that listening becomes an active act of interpretation. You’re not just hearing “lyrics” over a track. You’re sifting. Connecting. Deciding what counts as signal and what counts as noise, and noticing how quickly that boundary changes.

Maximalism, collage, and the productive chaos of listening

SPG’s approach is unapologetically maximalist: densely layered soundscapes where electronic tones, field recordings, and spoken fragments overlap in intricate patterns. Subtle glitches, distant echoes, sudden crescendos, and moments of uneasy quiet create a kind of sonic architecture that rewards active listening. Delicate melody is often set against interference; clarity is offered, then undermined.

This is collage as a way of thinking. The layers don’t simply “build up” to a conventional climax. They create a field of attention where multiple things can be true at once: beauty and grit, humour and dread, sincerity and sabotage. If you come to it expecting a stable focal point, it can feel like chaos. If you come to it expecting a space to move around in, it becomes strangely generous, full of corners, shadows, and small details that only appear on repeat listens.

A useful comparison might be the way a city feels when you stop trying to “get somewhere” and start letting yourself drift: patterns emerge, then dissolve; familiar streets become unfamiliar; a phrase overheard at a bus stop suddenly feels like a line from a play written for you alone.

Key projects and recurring tensions

Across their catalogue, SPG draw on avant-garde literature, urban observation, and a taste for the cryptic and metaphysical. Their work repeatedly returns to tensions such as liberation versus control, nostalgia versus progress, and spectacle versus authenticity, often through an absurdist or melancholic lens that resists mainstream narratives.

That resistance is audible. The music refuses to smooth itself into background ambience, instead insisting on being encountered as a set of fragments you must navigate, interpret, and, in a sense, co-author. It also resists the idea that experimental work has to be purified into a single doctrine (pure noise, pure ambience, pure conceptualism). SPG’s world is messier and more human than that: full of irritations, jokes, anger, odd tenderness, and the constant sense that “the official version” of reality is rarely the whole story.

Music | SHEFFIELD PATROL GROUP

Glastonbury, Pop Nostalgia, and the Art of Satirical Critique

If there’s one thing the modern music festival excels at, it’s providing endless fodder for satire. Nowhere is this more evident than in the irreverent chronicles of Glastonbury, as dissected in Johhny ‘Eliphaz’ Oatcake’s series of “Glastonburied” essays. These reviews, spanning from 2018 to 2025, offer a scathing look at the festival’s evolution—or, as the author might argue, its descent into commercial spectacle and cultural superficiality.

The Glastonbury Festival, allegedly once a beacon of countercultural spirit, is here lampooned as a parade of empty gestures, fleeting trends, and self-congratulatory performances. Oatcake’s scepticism is relentless, skewering everything from the generational divides in the crowd to the festival’s “mock inclusivity” and propagation of the myth of musical legends. Even headline acts like Paul McCartney are not spared, their performances dissected for empty nostalgia and the undead mythos of music icons.

The critique extends beyond Glastonbury. Oatcake’s reviews of “Top of the Pops” retrospectives and other iterations of the show—whether it’s the poetic chaos of “TOP POPS 83” or the biting commentary on Christmas specials—reveal a deep ambivalence about pop nostalgia. The author is both drawn to and repelled by the act of revisiting musical history, finding existential comedy in the rituals of fandom and the relentless march of time.

What emerges is a portrait of contemporary music culture as a hall of mirrors: lacking in self-awareness, absurd, and often desperate for meaning. Whether lampooning the “POSITIVITY TYRANT” of modern pop fandom or reflecting on the inauthenticity of folk performances, the writing is united by a sharp wit and a refusal to take anything—apart from itself—too seriously.

Exploring the Sonic Underground: Sheffield Patrol Group’s Radical Approach to Art

The Sheffield Patrol Group (SPG) stands as a beacon of experimental creativity, challenging the boundaries of music, literature, and performance art. Rooted in Sheffield’s vibrant underground scene, SPG and its predecessor, Cross of Light Temple, have cultivated a deliberately anonymous and anti-commercial ethos. Their work is a bold fusion of field recordings, spoken word, and manipulated sound, all designed to probe personal meaning, social critique, and esoteric themes—often with a playful disregard for academic or mainstream validation.

A recurring motif in their output is the subversion of artistic norms. Pieces like “Satchmo’s Defence” satirize the trend of making intentionally “bad” music as an artistic statement, using humour and irony to question what truly constitutes meaningful art. Meanwhile, projects such as “Beneath the Underground” and “COLT Presents Esoteric Psychedelia” explore anonymity, mental health, and the rejection of the cult of personality, blending theatricality with a critique of both occult traditions and conventional spirituality.

SPG’s catalogue, largely the work of Johnny ‘Eliphaz’ Oatcake with support from others, spans over a decade and includes everything from satirical radio broadcasts to genre-defying audio collections. Their recordings—organized into thematic series like “Esoteric Psychedelia” and “Field Recordings”—delve into magick, biblical reinterpretation, satire, and existential anxiety, always with a commitment to authenticity and experimentation.

https://sheffpatgrp.bandcamp.com/

Mapping the Inner World—Johnny ‘Eliphaz’ Oatcake’s Journey Through Place and Self

Johnny ‘Eliphaz’ Oatcake’s collected memoirs, spanning from 1973 to 2025, offer a remarkable cartography of the human experience. In “The Geography of the Self,” Oatcake transforms the landscapes of his life—from the gritty streets of Sheffield to the labyrinthine tunnels of the London Underground—into powerful metaphors for identity, trauma, and the relentless search for authenticity.

A central motif in Oatcake’s work is the idea that our environments shape who we are. In pieces like Places and Fountain, street names and urban journeys become anchors for memory and emotion, suggesting that our sense of self is deeply intertwined with the spaces we inhabit. The London Underground, for example, is not just a setting but a symbol of escape and refuge during a turbulent youth.

Oatcake’s memoirs also deliver a sharp critique of British social structures. His reflections on grammar schools and the myth of the benefits of home ownership expose the alienation and insecurity lurking beneath promises of stability and mobility. The recurring “Uxbridge Fox” character embodies the outsider—resourceful, resilient, yet always at odds with authority.

As the narrative moves into adulthood, themes of mortality and resilience come to the fore. Oatcake’s candid account of his cancer diagnosis and treatment is both harrowing and inspiring, emphasizing the ongoing struggle to adapt and find meaning in the face of adversity.

Navigating Hard Labour: Existentialism, Satire, and the Search for Authenticity

In a world that often feels indifferent, Johnny ‘Eliphaz’ Oatcake’s “The Architecture of Hard Labour: Existentialism, Socio-Economic Critique, and the Pursuit of Authenticity” offers a raw, unfiltered exploration of what it means to live authentically amid social and economic chaos. The text combines examinations of existential struggle, biting social critique, and irreverent satire to depict modern life as both a personal and collective performance.

At its core, the work grapples with the “hard labour” of existence—how we search for meaning in a world that often seems meaningless. Oatcake urges readers to reject inherited beliefs and societal roles, advocating instead for direct experience and self-honesty. This existential journey is shadowed by trauma, alienation, and a sense of imprisonment within self-constructed narratives.

But the critique doesn’t stop at the personal. The text launches a scathing attack on market-driven capitalism, labelling it the “Market Antichrist” and exposing how economic systems exploit the vulnerable. British culture, too, is scrutinized for its slide into commercialized identity and cyberspace detachment.

What sets this work apart is its use of satire—most notably in the infamous “C*** Detector Test.” Here, the author parodies middle-class pretensions and Western intellectualism, using shock value to challenge cultural norms and expose inauthenticity.

Ultimately, the document finds balance in advocating for intentional action and individual integrity. It’s a call to reject both systemic oppression and cultural posturing, urging us to pursue authenticity—even when the world feels absurd and oppressive.

Exploring Cross of Light Temple: Radical Spirituality and Creative Transformation

Cross of Light Temple (COLT) stands as a fascinating experiment in contemporary spirituality, blending ritual, creativity, and radical autonomy. Co-founded by Johnny ‘Eliphaz’ Oatcake, COLT operated publicly from 2003 to 2017, then continued privately, always challenging conventional boundaries in the search for meaning.

At the heart of COLT’s philosophy is a commitment to living in present time and trusting personal intuition over external authority. The Temple’s foundational Position Statement rejects the pursuit of secret wisdom or absolute truths, instead embracing provisional systems and the fluidity of identity. This approach encourages members to question dogma, explore their own beliefs, and see all systems as open to revision.

COLT’s practices centre on creativity and the interplay between boundaries and boundlessness. The Six-Part Rite, performed hundreds of times, served as a transformative ritual, blending visionary experiences, symbolic action, and encounters with archetypal figures. These rituals aimed to foster unity, transcendence, and a sense of balance—integrating opposites like chaos and order, masculine and feminine.

Yet, COLT’s radical autonomy brought challenges. The lack of external structure sometimes led to uncertainty or isolation, and the emphasis on provisional truths made it difficult to establish shared values. Still, the Temple addressed these issues through open debate, shared rituals, and ongoing reflection, fostering a community of creative seekers.

Ultimately, COLT’s legacy lies in its documentation of visionary experiences, critical self-reflection, and the pursuit of balance. Its story offers valuable lessons for anyone interested in the intersections of metaphysics, creativity, and the ongoing search for authentic spiritual expression.

Finding Meaning in the Ruins—Johnny ‘Eliphaz’ Oatcake’s Vision of Urban Transformation

What does it mean to truly see a city? In his multidisciplinary observations, Johnny ‘Eliphaz’ Oatcake invites us to look beyond the surface of urban landscapes, urging us to become active participants in the ongoing story of place, memory, and transformation.

Oatcake’s journey begins in Crookes, a Sheffield suburb he treats as both a physical site and a mystical landscape. Through projects like CROOKES, he photographs the everyday—bus stops, sheds, cars—using expiring film and digital editing to reveal a “transfigured vision” where the mundane shimmers with cosmic possibility. For Oatcake, pavements might just lead “to the heart of the sun”.

But his work is more than visual experimentation. In memoirs and essays, Oatcake blends personal anecdotes with local history, reflecting on everything from pandemic pub crawls to ancient Norse legends. He explores how domestic decay—a crumbling house in Crookes—mirrors broader social fragmentation, while his critiques of Sheffield’s city centre developments expose the disconnect between official optimism and lived reality, especially for marginalized communities.

Oatcake’s scope widens in his Selected Trash from the Ruins of Society series, where he documents the erosion of regional identity under the pressures of globalization and gentrification. He argues that physical location is losing its meaning in a world dominated by digital presence and homogenized culture.

Drawing inspiration from William Blake, Oatcake’s prose is imagistic and incantatory, transforming the ordinary into the mystical. He urges us not to be passive spectators but to engage with our environments, finding authenticity and layered meaning in the overlooked details of everyday life.

In Oatcake’s vision, the city is never just a backdrop—it’s a living, contested space, shaped by history, politics, and our willingness to truly see.